The Future of Antifeminism. McBride , Dorothy E. McCammon , Holly J.
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The Oxford Handbook of U. Women's Social Movement Activism. McCarver , Virginia. McGirr , Lisa. Perlstein , Rick. New York : Hill and Wang. Peters , Jeremy W. Powers , Kirsten. Reger , Jo. Reingold , Beth , and Swers , Michele. Rodino-Colocino , Michelle. Rose , Melody.
Frame Extension in the American Antiabortion Movement. Rosen , Ruth. The World Split Open. Roth , Benita. Sanbonmatsu , Kira , and Dolan , Kathleen. Schreiber , Ronnee. Snyder-Hall , R.
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Explaining the Partisan Imbalance of Women. Valenti , Jessica. Vavrus , Mary Douglas. Wagner , John. Recommend this journal. Who would you like to send this to? Photo via ListeList. The International Congress of Women , held in Istanbul, ensured international acceptance of the Kemalist regime and its modernization project.
Women were encouraged to see themselves as the enlightened mothers of the nation, educating the generations to come in the ideals of the new nation and the state.
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The first wave of feminism developed in two phases. Women were encouraged to take up public roles and participate in the campaign for economic development. There was a call for their services to the new republic and the nation state, underlining their efforts in the patriotic defence of the motherland during the Turkish War of Independence — Now I should state outright that I am a Kemalist and Kemalist to the bone.
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It would be more than unusual if an eighty-year-old woman did not believe in Kemalism in this country. With his beautiful hands, Mustafa Kemal tore that curtain down just like all the other curtains that excluded women from public life and shut them in dark corners. He insisted that women are equal to men in all respects. However, these activities ended with the military coup in The s marked a political juncture in Turkey.
In the political and ideological void left by the coup, feminism became a foothold and a new point of ideological reference, especially for those women who had been politicized in the leftist movement before the coup and become increasingly critical of the patriarchal and androcentric structure of leftist organizations.
It was a moment of awakening for the women in Turkey, enabling them to identify with these pioneers. While regaining their history, Turkish feminists accepted and included women with divergent political views. In the politically, ideologically, and discursively divided climate of the s, feminist groups were the only organizations prepared for dialogue with people who had different views. They sided with Kemalist feminists in their endeavour to expand equal rights, which had an undeniable significance for all women in the country. They also supported Islamist women in their fight for the right to wear headscarves at universities.
Different political camps and even state institutions tapped into the feminist language, particularly during the adaptation to EU conventions imposed on Turkey after it obtained candidate status in The committee concluded that domestic violence and sexual abuse were the main areas of action.
The Law for the Protection of the Family could not be implemented efficiently because state and local authorities did not establish institutions that provided support, shelter, and psychological, legal, and social advice to women threatened by domestic violence. The committee also pointed out that the new Civil Code , which gave equal rights to both spouses in all property acquired during marriage, did not apply to marriages entered into before the law was enacted.
The underrepresentation of women in politics was identified as another important problem. It was recommended that quotas for female candidates be introduced, and laws about political parties and elections modified accordingly. Kemalism is, as I have said, a form of state feminism. I have also argued that cultural authenticity in Turkish nationalism was not based on Islamic symbols, but on a golden age of equal gender relations in the pre-Islamic nomadic Turkic tribes. After , a synthesis of Turkish nationalism and moderate Islamism became the hegemonic and official ideology of Turkey, promoted by successive centre-right governments.
The rise of political Islam, as well as the expansion and visibility of public Islamic lifestyles, found fruitful ground in the aftermath of the coup, which was mainly directed against the political left. The AKP obtained the majority of votes in subsequent general elections , , , and July and November In July , a presidential government system with a weakened parliament and a judiciary system controlled by the president came into effect.
Finally, in , the government lifted the ban on headscarves in universities and other educational institutions, public offices and parliament. These formations were characterized as hybrid formations opening a discursive space for a new understanding of Islam as an inclusive rather than exclusive religion. Muslim women transformed the universalistic approaches they thought excluded them.
They did so by representing themselves and their own interests through diverse forms of hybridity and alterity to western women. They propose the concept of gender justice based on Islam as an alternative to gender equality. Critical ideas about the principle of equality having a sexless and stereotyping structure, taken mostly as the basis while explaining gender are being expressed more frequently today […]. Despite the discourses on gender equality, starting from the principle of ensuring equality before the law and rights and opportunities for men to be also given to women, the structure putting the men in the center as a perfect human-being and men and women dissolving into each other will not assure equality, on the contrary the conclusion is that it will become a source of victimization itself.
On this view, gender equality should be treated as part of a broader umbrella of gender justice by accepting natural gender differences, and the division of responsibilities that come with them, as divinely created. This is a non-governmental organisation that takes its reference from social-spiritual values. We need an environment in which these responsibilities and roles are distributed in a more just and balanced manner.
By women in Britain had the vote on the same basis as men, though in much of continental Europe the vote came much later — in France not until after the Second World War and in Switzerland in the s. By then women in the democracies had acquired legal and political equality. The results, however, were not entirely satisfactory. The extension of the franchise did not dramatically increase female participation in political life. Women also remained worse off than men, especially in wages and job opportunities. Suffrage alone clearly was, and is, not enough to transform the position of women.
It shifted the entire debate from what might be generally considered political to the psychological, cultural and anthropological fields. Both equal rights legislation and considerable social change, especially in popular attitudes on gender issues, are needed to improve the lot of women and redress the power balance between men and women. However, there has been very limited progress in dealing with the forces of structural gender inequality in society and enforcement of legislation is weak. Some second-wave feminists argued for greater inclusion of women on the grounds of female moral superiority.
Women were especially endowed with sympathy, emotion and a culture of co-operation as a consequence of their experience of motherhood. Men were seen as being tough, competitive and emotionally limited. Human history was a struggle between these conflicting male and female virtues between and within people.
Feminists involved in the peace movement, for example, argued that the potential for destruction is now so great that it is vital that the female side of humanity gains more influence in politics and society to avoid nuclear war and environmental destruction.